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  • The New Military Frontier: Africa !

    Foreign Policy In Focus A U.S. Army captain in Africa waxes philosophical. It's like the old saying, he opines; "give a man a fish, he'll eat for a day, teach him how to fish and he'll eat forever."


    Is he talking about skills-building, or community empowerment? No: Captain Joseph Cruz goes from channeling the musician Speech from the American hip-hop group Arrested Development back to his military-approved talking points: "the same can be said about military to military training and that's why we do it."

    The Delta company soldier is one of 1,800 based in Djibouti at an old French Foreign Legion base, and he is comparing lessons in small naval patrol boat tactics, approaches to counter terrorism operations, and how to use an M-16 rifle, to teaching a man to fish.
    It is not just the Djiboutians who are receiving these lessons -- members of the Ethiopian, Ugandan and Kenyan armed forces have also been on "fishing trips" with the U.S. military.
    Most Americans have never heard of Djibouti, and fewer can pronounce it correctly, but here -- far from the bombed bridges of Baghdad and the flourishing poppy fields of Afghanistan -- is the third front of the war on terrorism. As Rear Admiral Richard Hunt, the Commander of Combined Joint Taskforce-Horn of Africa (or CJT-HOA, in inimitable military style), explains: "Africa is the new frontier that we need to engage now, or we are going to end up doing it later in a very negative way."
    As part of the CJT-HOA these soldiers are also building schools, digging wells and sanitizing slaughterhouses. Their work is delineated by the four Ps and the three Ds: Prevent conflict, promote regional stability, protect coalition interests and prevail against extremism in East Africa and Yemen through diplomacy, development and defense.

    Amid the commemorations, tributes, and critiques that cluster around the September 11 anniversary, we should not lose sight of how the war on terrorism is militarizing Africa. With under-tapped oil reserves, vast stretches of ungoverned space, impoverished populations and pandemics of AIDS/HIV and other diseases, Africa is now on Washington's radar screen. The National Security Strategy for the United States, 2006 says: "Africa holds growing geo-strategic importance and is a high priority of this administration." But the most significant way that high priority status is being expressed is through commitments of military aid, training, troops and equipment.

    The U.S. base in Djibouti is just one plank in a new platform of military engagement in Africa. There is also the Trans Sahara Counter Terrorism Initiative (TSCTI), which Congress funded at $500 million over six years in 2005. There are also increased naval maneuvers in West Africa's Gulf of Guinea, and establishment of a P3 Orion aerial surveillance station in Algeria.

    And now, as though the Pentagon does not have enough on its plate, President George W. Bush has established United States African Command (AFRICOM) as the newest U.S. military sphere of influence. The command brings together most of the continent (Egypt will remain under CENTCOM) for the first time, and according to President Bush it "will enhance our efforts to bring peace and security to the people of Africa and promote our common goals of development, health, education, democracy, and economic growth in Africa."



    Suite ..http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/4561 (Foreign policy)

  • #2
    comment voulez vous que l'egypt intervienne militairement sur gaza, alors qu'il y a des troupes américains sur son sol ?

    d'autre part, voilà le type d'avion d'écoute et surveillance auquel cette station prés de tamanrasset sert


    le P-3Orion de l'américain Lookhed Martin

    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/P-3_Orion
    Dernière modification par Bennis, 18 janvier 2009, 00h38.

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    • #3
      auquel cette station prés de tamanrasset sert

      Quelle station ?

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      • #4
        Un avion de reconnaissance maritime à Tam? C'est du n'importe quoi cette histoire..

        ∑ (1/i²) = π²/6
        i=1

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        • #5
          auquel cette station prés de tamanrasset sert

          Quelle station ?
          as tu lu au moins l'article ? tiens la transcription française (approximative) du passage qui t'intéresse

          The U.S. base in Djibouti is just one plank in a new platform of military engagement in Africa. There is also the Trans Sahara Counter Terrorism Initiative (TSCTI), which Congress funded at $500 million over six years in 2005. There are also increased naval maneuvers in West Africa's Gulf of Guinea, and establishment of a P3 Orion aerial surveillance station in Algeria.
          "La base américaine de Djibouti est l'une planche à une nouvelle plate-forme de l'engagement militaire en Afrique. Il ya aussi le Trans Sahara Counter Terrorism Initiative (TSCTI), dont le Congrès financé à 500 millions de dollars sur six ans en 2005. Il ya également augmenté de manoeuvres navales en Afrique de l'Ouest du Golfe de Guinée, et la création d'un P3 Orion station de surveillance aérienne en Algérie.
          "

          la station de surveillance aérienne des US prés de tamenrasset

          Un avion de reconnaissance maritime à Tam? C'est du n'importe quoi cette histoire..
          il lui faut Bien une base aérienne tout de même, non ?


          bon à savoir
          http://news.surfwax.com/military/files/P-3_Orion_Plane.html

          In July 2003, the U.S. earned the right to deploy P-3 Orionaerialsurveillance aircraft in Tamanrasset, Algeria. Under the guise of the War on Terror, the U.S. government moved forces into various parts of Africa, where they trained African armies and have been able to intervene in the increasingly dangerous resource wars. (Zmag.org)
          en 2003, ils ont obtenu le droit de déposer l'avion de surveillance, en 2005 ils ont obtenu le droit d'y construire carrément la base aérienne dédiée pour leurs avions
          Dernière modification par Bennis, 18 janvier 2009, 13h50.

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          • #6
            aahhhh ces dirigeants algériens!! ils disent tout le temps qu'ils sont le monde libre, les rebels, les durs, qui n'acceptent aucune force exterieur, et ils sautent sur la première occasion pour exauser les voeux des USA!!

            que d'hypocrisie, et le pire c'est qu'il y a des algériens qui les croient:22:

            Ces même dirigeants s'agitent via presse interposée à n'importe quel venu de responsable americain ou europeen au maroc(et les exemples ne manquent pas......), et ceci juste dans le but de signifier que ces responsables veulent qu'on leur prêtent l'attention et qu'on aille les voir, pour qu'ils se sentent important!!:22:

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            • #7
              tu t'en doutais eagle ?! c'est une vraie junte venimeuse qui saccage ce pays ..za3ma ana ! je compatis, ellah ykone f l3awn w safi !

              Commentaire


              • #8
                America's Africa Misadventure (AFRICOM)
                Last month, the Pentagon launched the U.S. Africa Command (Africom), spurring debate and showcasing two contrasting worldviews within the United States on how best to pursue its foreign policy objectives. That the United States must engage with Africa is not in question; what causes controversy is the mode and nature of its engagement.


                Av Worldpress.org | tirsdag 06. november 2007

                Right Web, Center for International Policy (C.I.P.), November 5, 2007


                On one side, the ideologues of neoconservatism advocate more military bases, a larger troops presence in Africa, and, if required, direct military action on the continent. For that, they envisage five new military bases and permanent Africom headquarters in Africa by the end of 2008. (Africom is for now based in Stuttgart, Germany.) Contesting this militaristic approach are those who believe that Washington's political, economic, and even military interests in Africa are best served by relying primarily on nonmilitary means of engagement and formulating a more nuanced Africa policy than the gun-toting posture that Africom signifies. Given the Bush administration's proclivity to shoot from the hip, it is hardly surprising that it has decided to accede to the former view by bringing out the bayonet to deal with Africa.


                Influenced and shaped by ultra-conservative think tanks like the Heritage Foundation, the Center for Security Policy, and, to a lesser extent, the American Enterprise Institute (A.E.I.), Africom is yet another example of the Bush administration's policy of unilateralism and its obsession with displays of military power. Other elements of U.S. power—political supremacy, overarching economic and diplomatic clout, and unmatched capacity to deliver humanitarian aid—have been either ignored or, as in the case of Africom, made subservient to the new military command.


                Africom turns upside down the fundamental principle of civilian supremacy over the military. The Bush administration has tried to assuage fears of U.S. militarization of Africa by calling Africom an "interagency structure." In addition to military objectives, President George W. Bush wants us to believe that Africom will "bring peace and security to the people of Africa" and promote "development, health, education, democracy, and economic growth" (USINFO, State Department, Feb. 6, 2007).


                More pious words have come from Ryan Henry, the principal deputy undersecretary of defense. Quoting Henry, the Heritage Foundation tries to reassure the skeptical African states that an important measure of Africom's success will be "if it keeps American troops out of Africa for the next 50 years … the entire purpose is to diffuse and prevent crises on the continent by increasing regional capabilities, thereby reducing the need for U.S. or multilateral military intervention" (Heritage Foundation, Web Memo No. 1644, Sept. 27, 2007). To achieve that, Africom staff will include officials from the U.S. Agency for International Development and the departments of State, Agriculture, Treasury, and Commerce. A former diplomat, Mary Carlin Yates, has been named as one of the deputies to Africom head Gen. William "Kip" Ward.


                But, as an analysis from the Council on Foreign Relations argues, Africom is not likely to be any different from other regional military commands in execution. "The small size of other government offices in comparison to the military means that it may be difficult to hire enough nonmilitary staff. Even if interagency personnel are brought into the command, it is not clear how instrumental they will be in the command's decision-making processes … Having a State Department official as deputy commander is 'uncharted territory' for the Department of Defense," writes editor Stephanie Hanson of the Council on Foreign Relations in a May 3, 2007, backgrounder.


                For all practical purposes, the nonmilitary component of Africom will be fully controlled by the Pentagon. In other words, the State Department and other civilian departments will play second fiddle to the military in a region where they ought to be taking the lead themselves. The Pentagon has failed clearly to spell out the terms of nonmilitary conduct of the Africa command and is sticking to its policy of not informing either Congress or the media about the details of its future operations. Rep. Donald M. Payne, Democrat of New Jersey, chairman of the Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health, held a hearing on Aug. 2 regarding the U.S. military's intentions on the continent. Afterward, he said, "I was shocked and dismayed when I learned from a newspaper of the administration's plans to establish Africom" (FinalCall.com, Sept. 16, 2007). Observing that there had been no discussion with the subcommittee concerning the structure of the new command, Payne said: "Makes me wonder how the government informed our African partners and allies."
                To answer Payne's query—it didn't. Which partly explains the adverse reaction from most of Africa to the new military command. This diplomatic failure is all the more glaring given the fact that planning for this command has been going on for the last 10 years or so. If it were intended to help Africa fight epidemics and poverty or assist peacekeeping missions, one would think that at least the countries involved would have been taken into confidence. But Washington has done all the planning and launching of Africom unilaterally.

                Africa Militarized

                In addition to establishing the Pentagon's supremacy over U.S. civilian departments, Africom is also designed to militarize further the continent whose humanitarian and security problems it purports to address. An A.E.I. analyst proposes that new U.S. bases "will be created in North Africa (possibly Tunisia), West (either Ghana, Liberia, or Senegal), East (likely around the current U.S. taskforce in Djibouti), and southern Africa (perhaps Botswana) with a further chapter in Addis Ababa" (A.E.I., July 27, 2007).

                U.S. military contingents already cover East Africa from its base in Djibouti, comprising 1,800 troops. Other strategic parts of the continent are within striking range through the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Initiative (T.S.C.T.I.) and from Egypt (which is still under Centcom).

                The 2002 T.S.C.T.I. enables a U.S. military presence in Chad, Mali, Mauritania, and Niger. The initiative was extended in 2004 to cover Algeria, Nigeria, Senegal, and Tunisia. The U.S. Fifth Fleet is permanently stationed in the Gulf of Aden. In all, more than 6,000 U.S. soldiers are already on the continent. The number of special services personnel hunting terrorists in different parts of the continent is a matter of conjecture. Africom's inception this year was preceded by increased U.S. naval activity in West Africa's Gulf of Guinea and establishment of a P-3 Orion aerial surveillance station in Algeria, which made Africa wary of the growing U.S. military presence and Washington's future intentions.
                ... http://www.afrika.no/Detailed/15399.html





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                j'ai l'impression que la presence US entoure le Maroc : Senegal, Mali, Tunisie, Algerie, et Mauritanie
                Dernière modification par Bennis, 19 janvier 2009, 23h22.

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