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C'est l'avis de ce journaliste, fondateur du site Iran-Resist et de www. daneshjoo.org/french_index.shtml
Nota : "l'opposant" Mir Hossein Moussavi, né en 41, fut 1er ministre d'Iran de 81 à 89, sous la "présidence" de Khamenei et du vivant de Khomeyni (mort en 89) et durant toute la guerre d'Iran - Irak (81-88). Ce n'est pas spécialement un "modéré" (comme le rappelle à juste titre le journaliste) et encore moins un homme hors du système qu'il a contribué à mettre en place et à consolider.
Interview : http://www.france24.com/en/20090613-...public-nuclear
Le journaliste évoque aussi le massacre de prisonniers politiques en 88 (*)
(*) http://www.cairn.info/resume.php?ID_...E=RAI_030_0059 :
Nota : "l'opposant" Mir Hossein Moussavi, né en 41, fut 1er ministre d'Iran de 81 à 89, sous la "présidence" de Khamenei et du vivant de Khomeyni (mort en 89) et durant toute la guerre d'Iran - Irak (81-88). Ce n'est pas spécialement un "modéré" (comme le rappelle à juste titre le journaliste) et encore moins un homme hors du système qu'il a contribué à mettre en place et à consolider.
Interview : http://www.france24.com/en/20090613-...public-nuclear
Le journaliste évoque aussi le massacre de prisonniers politiques en 88 (*)
As both Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and Mirhossein Mousavi claimed victory in Friday's presidential election, Iranian journalist Kaveh Mohseni, based in France, told FRANCE 24 that the two candidates had been carefully selected by the regime.
FRANCE 24 - The Iranian population has voted massively in this presidential election. What do you think is at stake?
Kaveh Mohseni - I don’t believe in this vote. I think the two candidates are basically the same and have roughly the same programme. It’s the programme of the Islamic Republic.
They offer to negotiate with the Americans if the US abandons its demands and sanctions. They also have the same views on Hezbollah and Israel. These cornerstones of Iran’s policies will remain unchanged.
What is really at stake in this vote is the legitimacy of the system. The mullahs who control the country want to give it a democratic face. An alleged massive turnout will grant the regime the legitimacy it is aiming for, because both of the candidates leading in opinion polls are supportive of the regime.
Ahmadinejad is the tough hardliner figure, and Mousavi is the so-called moderate one, used by the regime to demonstrate its openness.
FRANCE 24 - So what do you say of all the crowds gathered in rallies and the queues in front of polling stations?
Kaveh Mohseni - You can’t believe everything the regime wants you to see. In Iran, the population lives in extreme poverty, and it’s very easy for the authorities to set up fake rallies or to send the press to specific polling stations.
Observers I know in Tehran told me many polling stations were empty, in Lorzaedeh Mosque, for example, and in Al Ghadir. As for the youths and women dressed in green rallying in stadiums, this is a typical scene set up for the West to demonstrate a presumed colour movement, just like uprisings in other countries.
It gives the impression of a democratic Islam. But where were these ‘dissident’ crowds when dozens of young people were recently hung by the regime just because they opposed it?
In Iran, the average salary is of $240. That’s for those lucky enough to have a job. In those conditions, it’s easy to buy off a few people, but you have to read between the lines. And people have other worries than to go vote, and they know none of the candidates will get them out of their misery.
FRANCE 24 - You don’t believe some Iranians could vote for the more moderate candidate at least to avoid a worst-case scenario?
Kaveh Mohseni - No, I don’t. Because Mousavi is not a moderate. When he was Prime Minister, 30,000 political prisoners were executed in only three months in the summer of 1988 and buried in a mass grave on the site of Khavaran. Many Iranians may be young but they have parents. No one can believe Mousavi is a moderate. They all have blood on their hands.
Furthermore he ruined the Iranian economy when he was in power by nationalizing many companies.
FRANCE 24 - Do you agree with some of the analysts who figure that a more moderate president would be a better negotiating partner for the international community?
Kaveh Mohseni - You Western societies desperately want to believe dialogue is possible. But you just don’t understand the regime wants nuclear power and is not willing to negotiate.
However, I don’t believe that nuclear weapons are the main threat coming from Iran.
Their self-proclaimed technological progress is a pure fabrication. They say they’ve conceived military planes, but at the same time they can’t even maintain their basic passenger carriers. Furthermore, a nuclear weapon wouldn’t represent much compared to the American arsenal.
Their real strength lies in their power to destabilize the region. They have the power to block the Lebanese government, they control Hezbollah, north of Israel. They created radio stations that encourage hostility towards local governments in Morocco and Egypt, moderates in general, and hostility towards Israel.
Change in Iran can only come with support from the outside. Militants from within are just powerless.
FRANCE 24 - The Iranian population has voted massively in this presidential election. What do you think is at stake?
Kaveh Mohseni - I don’t believe in this vote. I think the two candidates are basically the same and have roughly the same programme. It’s the programme of the Islamic Republic.
They offer to negotiate with the Americans if the US abandons its demands and sanctions. They also have the same views on Hezbollah and Israel. These cornerstones of Iran’s policies will remain unchanged.
What is really at stake in this vote is the legitimacy of the system. The mullahs who control the country want to give it a democratic face. An alleged massive turnout will grant the regime the legitimacy it is aiming for, because both of the candidates leading in opinion polls are supportive of the regime.
Ahmadinejad is the tough hardliner figure, and Mousavi is the so-called moderate one, used by the regime to demonstrate its openness.
FRANCE 24 - So what do you say of all the crowds gathered in rallies and the queues in front of polling stations?
Kaveh Mohseni - You can’t believe everything the regime wants you to see. In Iran, the population lives in extreme poverty, and it’s very easy for the authorities to set up fake rallies or to send the press to specific polling stations.
Observers I know in Tehran told me many polling stations were empty, in Lorzaedeh Mosque, for example, and in Al Ghadir. As for the youths and women dressed in green rallying in stadiums, this is a typical scene set up for the West to demonstrate a presumed colour movement, just like uprisings in other countries.
It gives the impression of a democratic Islam. But where were these ‘dissident’ crowds when dozens of young people were recently hung by the regime just because they opposed it?
In Iran, the average salary is of $240. That’s for those lucky enough to have a job. In those conditions, it’s easy to buy off a few people, but you have to read between the lines. And people have other worries than to go vote, and they know none of the candidates will get them out of their misery.
FRANCE 24 - You don’t believe some Iranians could vote for the more moderate candidate at least to avoid a worst-case scenario?
Kaveh Mohseni - No, I don’t. Because Mousavi is not a moderate. When he was Prime Minister, 30,000 political prisoners were executed in only three months in the summer of 1988 and buried in a mass grave on the site of Khavaran. Many Iranians may be young but they have parents. No one can believe Mousavi is a moderate. They all have blood on their hands.
Furthermore he ruined the Iranian economy when he was in power by nationalizing many companies.
FRANCE 24 - Do you agree with some of the analysts who figure that a more moderate president would be a better negotiating partner for the international community?
Kaveh Mohseni - You Western societies desperately want to believe dialogue is possible. But you just don’t understand the regime wants nuclear power and is not willing to negotiate.
However, I don’t believe that nuclear weapons are the main threat coming from Iran.
Their self-proclaimed technological progress is a pure fabrication. They say they’ve conceived military planes, but at the same time they can’t even maintain their basic passenger carriers. Furthermore, a nuclear weapon wouldn’t represent much compared to the American arsenal.
Their real strength lies in their power to destabilize the region. They have the power to block the Lebanese government, they control Hezbollah, north of Israel. They created radio stations that encourage hostility towards local governments in Morocco and Egypt, moderates in general, and hostility towards Israel.
Change in Iran can only come with support from the outside. Militants from within are just powerless.
• Le massacre de l'été 1988
L'institution d'un État islamique en Iran s'est fondée, à partir de 1981, sur un « régime de terreur » qui a duré aussi longtemps que la guerre contre l'Irak, et s'est traduit concrètement par une élimination physique des opposants politiques potentiels, le recours à la torture et une grande publicité de ces deux pratiques afin de « tenir » la population. C'est dans ce contexte que vient en 1988, de l'ayatollah Khomeiny, l'ordre de purger les prisons en éliminant les opposants politiques.
Les membres les plus actifs de l'opposition au régime islamiste ont déjà été éliminés entre 1981 et 1985 (environ 15 000 exécutions) ou se sont exilés à cette même époque. Les prisonniers politiques et d'opinion en 1988 sont des (ex-)sympathisants ou des membres des moudjahidines pour la grande majorité, du Tudeh (PC), de partis d'extrême gauche minoritaires, du PDKI (parti indépendantiste kurde), ou encore sans affiliation. Cette purge a lieu au terme de procès spéciaux : d'une part, une condamnation à mort doit être signée par le Vali-e Faghih, mais Khomeini donne procuration à une équipe composée de membres du clergé et de divers corps administratifs (Information, Intérieur, autorités pénitentiaires) pour mener ces procès qui prennent en réalité la forme de brefs interrogatoires à la chaîne.
D'autre part, l'ayatollah Montazeri, alors numéro deux du régime, cite une Fatwa énoncée par Khomeini à propos des moudjahidines : « Ceux qui sont dans des prisons du pays et restent engagés dans leur soutien aux Monafeghin [Moujahidines], sont en guerre contre Dieu et condamnés à mort (...) Annihilez les ennemis de l'Islam immédiatement. Dans cette affaire, utilisez tous les critères qui accélèrent l'application du verdict. »
L'institution d'un État islamique en Iran s'est fondée, à partir de 1981, sur un « régime de terreur » qui a duré aussi longtemps que la guerre contre l'Irak, et s'est traduit concrètement par une élimination physique des opposants politiques potentiels, le recours à la torture et une grande publicité de ces deux pratiques afin de « tenir » la population. C'est dans ce contexte que vient en 1988, de l'ayatollah Khomeiny, l'ordre de purger les prisons en éliminant les opposants politiques.
Les membres les plus actifs de l'opposition au régime islamiste ont déjà été éliminés entre 1981 et 1985 (environ 15 000 exécutions) ou se sont exilés à cette même époque. Les prisonniers politiques et d'opinion en 1988 sont des (ex-)sympathisants ou des membres des moudjahidines pour la grande majorité, du Tudeh (PC), de partis d'extrême gauche minoritaires, du PDKI (parti indépendantiste kurde), ou encore sans affiliation. Cette purge a lieu au terme de procès spéciaux : d'une part, une condamnation à mort doit être signée par le Vali-e Faghih, mais Khomeini donne procuration à une équipe composée de membres du clergé et de divers corps administratifs (Information, Intérieur, autorités pénitentiaires) pour mener ces procès qui prennent en réalité la forme de brefs interrogatoires à la chaîne.
D'autre part, l'ayatollah Montazeri, alors numéro deux du régime, cite une Fatwa énoncée par Khomeini à propos des moudjahidines : « Ceux qui sont dans des prisons du pays et restent engagés dans leur soutien aux Monafeghin [Moujahidines], sont en guerre contre Dieu et condamnés à mort (...) Annihilez les ennemis de l'Islam immédiatement. Dans cette affaire, utilisez tous les critères qui accélèrent l'application du verdict. »