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The maghribi dialects of Arabic

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  • The maghribi dialects of Arabic

    [...] From a linguistic point of view, the Maghreb is a much more homogenous region than the Middle-East. In the Maghreb the Arabic dialects show the influence of only two substrata, Berber and a Late Latin Romance, the latter being spoken until the Middle Ages in some North African towns and villages. The question of whether Punic was still being spoken when the Arabs arrived in N. Africa has been a controversial one for several decades. French authors (Gsell, Gauthier and Gauthier) claim that Punic survived, chiefly in some rural areas of Tunisia. According to this hypothesis, Arabization was favoured by the fact that such populations spoke no Berber but Punic, a Semitic language like Arabic. Modern research rejects this assumption and it now seems undeniable that Punic played no role in the Arabization process of North Africa.

    The Sources

    [...] In comparison to the Middle East or Egypt, historical sources for N. Africa are not only scarce but also very often late, and give us little direct information concerning the Arab settlement and urban development of the region. Data about the early linguistic situation in the Maghreb are conspicuous by their absence, and in the case of the 1st centuries of Islamic Morocco we know next to nothing. Geographical sources such as al-Ya3qūbī, al-Bakrī, and al-Idrīsī occasionally give us some information concerning the settlement of Arab tribes and the languages spoken in Maghrebi towns.

    The majority of the European sources (mainly in French, Spanish, English, and Portuguese) in which we can find some data concerning North African dialects, were written after the 16th century and are of very different types and value, since they include accounts of captives, narratives of travellers, as well as reports from diplomats or clerics sent to the Maghreb to rescue Christian prisoners. The most important European source is the Descrittione "Description of Africa" written in the 16th century by the maghribi (of Andalusian origin) al-Ḥasan b. Muḥammad al-Wazzānī, better known as Leo Africanus. Data contained in his book are of special relevance since its author travelled across N. Africa on various diplomatic missions and visited southern Morocco, Timbuktu, Algeria, Tunis, Libya, and Egypt. [...]


    General features and Classification

    There are two hallmarks shared by all Maghrebi dialects: the prefix n- for the 1 sng of the p-stem (= nǝktǝb ‘I write/will write’) and a vowel-system characterized by a tendency to elide all short vowels in open syllable.

    Maghrebi dialects have sometimes been dubbed ‘colonial Arabic’, i.e. as belonging to a type which shows less variation than the dialects of the homeland. For instance,
    there is only one basic variant for the 1 sng s-stem, ktabt/ ktǝbt ‘I wrote’, compared with katabt / ktabt / katabtu in the dialects of the eastern Arab World. Diachronically, they belong to the so-called Zone II type, i.e. to the territories (Mesopotamia, Egypt ... etc.) Arabicized by speakers of dialects of the Arabian Peninsula (Zone I) from where the Arab expansion began.

    Maghrebi dialects are diachronically divided into two types : pre-Hilālī and Hilālī, depending on whether they go back to the first or the second wave of Arabization of N. Africap. Pre-Hilālī dialects are typologically sedentary and are found mainly in the ancient towns of the Maghreb (Tunis, Cherchell, Fes, Tetouan ... etc.) and in some rural areas, such as Jbāla in N. Morocco. All Jewish dialects, from Libya to Morocco, belong to this type. A hallmark of all pre-Hilālī dialects is the voiceless realization of *q (as q, k or a). To the pre-Hilālī group belong two extinct dialects—Siculo- and Andalusi Arabic—as well as Maltese, which is the only Arabic dialect to have become the official language of a nation state.

    To the Hilālī group belong all the ‘bedouin’ dialects of the Maghreb, such as Ḥassāniyya (in Mauritania ans W. Sahara), Z3īr (in Morocco), those of Algeria, Maṛāzīg (S Tunisia), and the dialects of Libya. The most salient distinctive feature of these dialects is the voiced realization of *q as g and the preservation of the interdental fricative series of consonants (ṯ,ḏ.ḏ̣). Dialects belonging to the Hilālī group untouched by external influences are not very numerous nowadays and are mainly found in those regions where ‘sedentary’ dialects are absent, such as Mauritania or in most of Libya. In Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia there exists a third group, the ‘mixed dialects’, i.e. dialects of Hilālī origin, which have lost several of their characteristic features because of contact with ‘sedentary’ dialects. Population shifts, the establishment of new towns, as well as immigration, are salient factors that have caused these mixed dialects to emerge. Two examples are those found in Marrakech and Casablanca. In both cases their dialects are clearly of Hilālī origin but have lost the interdental consonants and introduced typically ‘sedentary’ features such as analytic genitive markers and prefixed verbal modifiers.

    For the diachronic study of the Maghrebi dialects Maltese is an important source as terminus comparationis since the island of Malta was conquered by the Normans and annexed to the kingdom of Sicily in 1090. The question of whether Maltese goes back to the Arabic spoken by the Muslim conquerors in the year 870 or to Siculo Arabic introduced later (1048) by Sicilian immigrants is, for our purposes, irrelevant: whichever is the case, Maltese represents an archaic pre-Hilālī dialect which evolved uncontaminated by later Hilālī interferences. Furthermore, it is also the only Arabic dialect spoken in a non-diglossic linguistic environment. To a minor degree, Andalusi Arabic also serves as a terminus comparationis which can help us to explain some linguistic developments.

    ... /...
    "L'armée ne doit être que le bras de la nation, jamais sa tête" [Pio Baroja, L'apprenti conspirateur, 1913]

  • #2
    Substrata

    As has been mentioned, prior to the Islamic conquest, the main language of the region was Berber. An African Romance (evolved from Late Latin) was also spoken in urban areas. Since both languages, Berber and Late Latin, are well known, in principle it should not be difficult to locate examples of possible substrate influences in the Arabic dialects of the Maghreb. Unfortunately, however, matters are not as simple as that, especially concerning the impact of the Berber substrate, as will be explained.

    a) Latin

    At the time of the arrival of the Arabs, Vulgar Latin, a kind of pre-Romance language, was widely spoken in N. Africa, mainly in the coastal towns. Latin per se continued to be used as the language of administration. Regarding morphology, the only case of Late Latin substrate influence seems to be the plural morphemes -ǝš /-oš common in dialects of N. Morocco, in particular in the area between Tangier, Chaouen, and Ceuta. These morphemes may be suffixed to Latin loanwords as well as to Arabic proper names and diminutives: krāblīwoš ‘sieves’ (pl. of kǝrbāllo <L. cribellum), šwārĭyyǝš ‘kinds of saddle bags’ (pl. of šwāri <L. saria). According to Corriente, gender merging in the 1 sng of the personal pronouns in some pre-Hilālī dialects of Morocco and Algeria (ntīna or ntīn ‘you’) is due to the influence of the Latin substrate.

    Latin influence in N. African Arabic dialects is obvious in the lexicon. Latin loans can be found in the names of the Julian calendar, which is in use not only in the whole Maghreb but also in the Mashreq : yinnāyǝr ‘January’, fǝbṛāyǝṛ ‘February’, māṛṣ ‘March’, ībrīl ‘April’ ... etc., all of them with many variants. Examples of Latin loanwords usual in the dialect of Tunis (Medina) are: ṣbāṛoṣ (< "sparus") ‘gilt-head bream’, furnāq (< "fornāc") ‘furnace of the ḥammām’, šāqūr (< "secūr") ‘hatchet’. Other lexical items of Latin origin are for exemple :

    bǝbbūš / bubbūš (and variants) ‘snail’ (< L. "babōsus", Sp. "babosa" ‘slug’), very widespread: Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, bebbūx (spelt so, but pronounced [bebbūš]) in Maltese.

    • In Morocco and Algeria we find: ṭūbba /ṭōppa/ ṭobba/ ṭawba/ ṭumba (and other variants) ‘rat’ (< L. "talpa").

    • In Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya are: fǝllūs ‘chick’ (< L. "pullus" trough Berber "afullus"), with fellus being employed in Maltese.

    ... /...
    "L'armée ne doit être que le bras de la nation, jamais sa tête" [Pio Baroja, L'apprenti conspirateur, 1913]

    Commentaire


    • #3
      b) Berber

      Concerning the influence and importance of a Berber substrate in Moroccan Arabic, scholars have expressed opposing views, ranging from a general assumption of Berber influence to a general denial. In recent years, Berber substrate influence has not lacked supporters, especially among Berber specialists. As for Ḥassāniyya, Taine-Cheikh minimizes the impact of the Berber substrate.

      A list of possible Berber influences on the Arabic dialects of N. Africa is given by El-Aissati; however, the author mentions that in some of the quoted cases Berber influence is not certain. Some features, often explained as resulting from substrate influence, could be the result of a general shift common to many Arabic dialects: for example, the rules for the elision of short vowels in open syllables are in some cases quite similar in Moroccan and Syrian dialects. Substrate influence within Maghrebi dialects therefore needs re-examination in light of a comparative study with Levantine ones.

      A critical re-examination of some alleged cases of Berber substrate influence on Arabic dialects has been made by Maarten Kossmann. For instance, he points out that the realization of [t] as assibilated [ts], generally seen as an obvious case of Berber influence, could alternatively be seen as a Late Latin influence, since this shift is absent from Tashelḥit, Touareg, and Libyan Berber dialects. Berber substrate influence is, however, more evident in the following cases:

      • Changes in number: mā' ‘water’ is sng in CLA (and in the majority of the Arabic dialects), but in some N. Moroccan and Algerian dialects ma is pl because aman ‘water’ in Berber is plural, ex. l-ma bārdīn ‘the water is cold’ (instead of l-ma bārǝd).

      • Changes in gender: ṣūf ‘wool’, lḥam ‘meat’, 3sǝl ‘honey’ are feminin in some Moroccan and Algerian dialects because in Berber all these substantives are feminin. For the same reason in Djidjelli ržǝl ‘leg’ is masculine and not feminin.

      • Comparative sentences with the prep 3la instead of mǝn ex. : t-tǝlž byǝḍ 3la ṣ-ṣūf ‘snow is whiter than wool’. This construction, very common in all Maghrebi Arabic dialects, is a calque from Berber: Tashelḥit tifiyi tǝrwa f-uġrum ‘meat is better than bread’ (the prep f- means ‘on, above’, like Arabic 3la).

      • A pattern {tā ...t} for names of professions or personal characteristics is borrowed from Berber: tābǝnnāyt ‘masonry’, tānǝžžārt ‘carpentry’; tādǝrrīt ‘childishness’, tā3azrīt ‘celibacy’.

      • The shift l>n in some dialects in S. Morocco: nkhǝn (< nkhǝl) ‘palm tree’, tā-ngūnu (< tā-ngūlu) ‘we say’, wǝnna (< wǝlla) ‘or’.

      • The use of ṛāṣ ‘head’ (instead of nǝfs ‘self’) for the reflexive pronoun.

      [Fin de l'extrait]
      Dernière modification par Harrachi78, 23 mai 2022, 01h37.
      "L'armée ne doit être que le bras de la nation, jamais sa tête" [Pio Baroja, L'apprenti conspirateur, 1913]

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